Repetitsion TEST 2026

1. World history can only be fully understood when human societies are examined in relation to their environments and over long stretches of time. Rather than focusing on isolated events, historians seek to understand broad patterns such as migration, climate change, and cultural development. Two fundamental questions shape this approach: what defines a civilization, and how does change usually occur—through the spread of ideas between societies or through independent innovation?
Geography offers a useful framework for addressing these questions. The interaction between humans and their surroundings has always influenced where societies formed, how they survived, and how they interacted with others. Relative location played a crucial role in shaping trade networks and military conflict. Communities situated near rivers, fertile plains, or strategic crossroads were more likely to experience contact with neighboring groups, leading to both cooperation and competition. Over time, such interactions accelerated technological and cultural change.
The concept of place highlights how physical and human characteristics combine to shape societies. Climate, vegetation, and terrain influenced food production and settlement patterns, while social structures, belief systems, and forms of governance distinguished one group from another. No two places developed in exactly the same way, and these differences form the basis for meaningful historical comparison. Understanding how societies adapted to their specific conditions allows historians to explain variation without resorting to simplistic hierarchies. Human interaction with the environment has consistently acted as a driver of historical change.
Early communities altered landscapes through farming, irrigation, and animal domestication, while later societies transformed environments on a much larger scale. These interactions were not static; they evolved as populations grew and technologies advanced. Environmental pressures often forced societies to innovate, migrate, or reorganize themselves, making ecological factors central to long-term historical processes.
Movement is another essential dimension of world history. The migration of people, along with the circulation of goods and ideas, connected distant regions long before the modern era. The earliest human remains found in eastern Africa suggest that humans began migrating out of this region hundreds of thousands of years ago. Over time, nomadic hunter-gatherers spread across the Middle East, Europe, Asia, and eventually into Australia and the Americas. These movements were gradual and driven by the search for food and favorable living conditions.
Climate change played a decisive role in shaping these patterns. The end of the last Ice Age, beginning around 12,000 BCE, altered environments worldwide. As ice sheets retreated, new areas became habitable, enabling populations to settle in regions that had previously been inaccessible. In contrast, environmental deterioration in other areas, such as the gradual desertification of the Sahara, forced populations to relocate and merge with neighboring groups. These changes occurred slowly but had lasting demographic and cultural consequences.
More stable climates and abundant plant life allowed some groups to adopt sedentary lifestyles. As agriculture developed, villages emerged and populations expanded. A reliable food supply supported social specialization, increasing complexity within communities. Over time, these developments laid the groundwork for what many scholars identify as early civilizations.
Historical change also occurred through both cultural diffusion and independent invention. Ideas and technologies often spread between societies through contact, trade, and conquest. At the same time, similar innovations sometimes emerged independently in different regions. Together, these processes reveal the complexity of human history and the multiple pathways through which societies adapted, survived, and developed.

Which statement best captures the main idea of the passage?

2. World history can only be fully understood when human societies are examined in relation to their environments and over long stretches of time. Rather than focusing on isolated events, historians seek to understand broad patterns such as migration, climate change, and cultural development. Two fundamental questions shape this approach: what defines a civilization, and how does change usually occur—through the spread of ideas between societies or through independent innovation?
Geography offers a useful framework for addressing these questions. The interaction between humans and their surroundings has always influenced where societies formed, how they survived, and how they interacted with others. Relative location played a crucial role in shaping trade networks and military conflict. Communities situated near rivers, fertile plains, or strategic crossroads were more likely to experience contact with neighboring groups, leading to both cooperation and competition. Over time, such interactions accelerated technological and cultural change.
The concept of place highlights how physical and human characteristics combine to shape societies. Climate, vegetation, and terrain influenced food production and settlement patterns, while social structures, belief systems, and forms of governance distinguished one group from another. No two places developed in exactly the same way, and these differences form the basis for meaningful historical comparison. Understanding how societies adapted to their specific conditions allows historians to explain variation without resorting to simplistic hierarchies. Human interaction with the environment has consistently acted as a driver of historical change.
Early communities altered landscapes through farming, irrigation, and animal domestication, while later societies transformed environments on a much larger scale. These interactions were not static; they evolved as populations grew and technologies advanced. Environmental pressures often forced societies to innovate, migrate, or reorganize themselves, making ecological factors central to long-term historical processes.
Movement is another essential dimension of world history. The migration of people, along with the circulation of goods and ideas, connected distant regions long before the modern era. The earliest human remains found in eastern Africa suggest that humans began migrating out of this region hundreds of thousands of years ago. Over time, nomadic hunter-gatherers spread across the Middle East, Europe, Asia, and eventually into Australia and the Americas. These movements were gradual and driven by the search for food and favorable living conditions.
Climate change played a decisive role in shaping these patterns. The end of the last Ice Age, beginning around 12,000 BCE, altered environments worldwide. As ice sheets retreated, new areas became habitable, enabling populations to settle in regions that had previously been inaccessible. In contrast, environmental deterioration in other areas, such as the gradual desertification of the Sahara, forced populations to relocate and merge with neighboring groups. These changes occurred slowly but had lasting demographic and cultural consequences.
More stable climates and abundant plant life allowed some groups to adopt sedentary lifestyles. As agriculture developed, villages emerged and populations expanded. A reliable food supply supported social specialization, increasing complexity within communities. Over time, these developments laid the groundwork for what many scholars identify as early civilizations.
Historical change also occurred through both cultural diffusion and independent invention. Ideas and technologies often spread between societies through contact, trade, and conquest. At the same time, similar innovations sometimes emerged independently in different regions. Together, these processes reveal the complexity of human history and the multiple pathways through which societies adapted, survived, and developed.

Which detail is explicitly stated in the passage?

3. World history can only be fully understood when human societies are examined in relation to their environments and over long stretches of time. Rather than focusing on isolated events, historians seek to understand broad patterns such as migration, climate change, and cultural development. Two fundamental questions shape this approach: what defines a civilization, and how does change usually occur—through the spread of ideas between societies or through independent innovation?
Geography offers a useful framework for addressing these questions. The interaction between humans and their surroundings has always influenced where societies formed, how they survived, and how they interacted with others. Relative location played a crucial role in shaping trade networks and military conflict. Communities situated near rivers, fertile plains, or strategic crossroads were more likely to experience contact with neighboring groups, leading to both cooperation and competition. Over time, such interactions accelerated technological and cultural change.
The concept of place highlights how physical and human characteristics combine to shape societies. Climate, vegetation, and terrain influenced food production and settlement patterns, while social structures, belief systems, and forms of governance distinguished one group from another. No two places developed in exactly the same way, and these differences form the basis for meaningful historical comparison. Understanding how societies adapted to their specific conditions allows historians to explain variation without resorting to simplistic hierarchies. Human interaction with the environment has consistently acted as a driver of historical change.
Early communities altered landscapes through farming, irrigation, and animal domestication, while later societies transformed environments on a much larger scale. These interactions were not static; they evolved as populations grew and technologies advanced. Environmental pressures often forced societies to innovate, migrate, or reorganize themselves, making ecological factors central to long-term historical processes.
Movement is another essential dimension of world history. The migration of people, along with the circulation of goods and ideas, connected distant regions long before the modern era. The earliest human remains found in eastern Africa suggest that humans began migrating out of this region hundreds of thousands of years ago. Over time, nomadic hunter-gatherers spread across the Middle East, Europe, Asia, and eventually into Australia and the Americas. These movements were gradual and driven by the search for food and favorable living conditions.
Climate change played a decisive role in shaping these patterns. The end of the last Ice Age, beginning around 12,000 BCE, altered environments worldwide. As ice sheets retreated, new areas became habitable, enabling populations to settle in regions that had previously been inaccessible. In contrast, environmental deterioration in other areas, such as the gradual desertification of the Sahara, forced populations to relocate and merge with neighboring groups. These changes occurred slowly but had lasting demographic and cultural consequences.
More stable climates and abundant plant life allowed some groups to adopt sedentary lifestyles. As agriculture developed, villages emerged and populations expanded. A reliable food supply supported social specialization, increasing complexity within communities. Over time, these developments laid the groundwork for what many scholars identify as early civilizations.
Historical change also occurred through both cultural diffusion and independent invention. Ideas and technologies often spread between societies through contact, trade, and conquest. At the same time, similar innovations sometimes emerged independently in different regions. Together, these processes reveal the complexity of human history and the multiple pathways through which societies adapted, survived, and developed.

Based on the passage, what is the most reasonable inference about why studying “place” matters?

4. World history can only be fully understood when human societies are examined in relation to their environments and over long stretches of time. Rather than focusing on isolated events, historians seek to understand broad patterns such as migration, climate change, and cultural development. Two fundamental questions shape this approach: what defines a civilization, and how does change usually occur—through the spread of ideas between societies or through independent innovation?
Geography offers a useful framework for addressing these questions. The interaction between humans and their surroundings has always influenced where societies formed, how they survived, and how they interacted with others. Relative location played a crucial role in shaping trade networks and military conflict. Communities situated near rivers, fertile plains, or strategic crossroads were more likely to experience contact with neighboring groups, leading to both cooperation and competition. Over time, such interactions accelerated technological and cultural change.
The concept of place highlights how physical and human characteristics combine to shape societies. Climate, vegetation, and terrain influenced food production and settlement patterns, while social structures, belief systems, and forms of governance distinguished one group from another. No two places developed in exactly the same way, and these differences form the basis for meaningful historical comparison. Understanding how societies adapted to their specific conditions allows historians to explain variation without resorting to simplistic hierarchies. Human interaction with the environment has consistently acted as a driver of historical change.
Early communities altered landscapes through farming, irrigation, and animal domestication, while later societies transformed environments on a much larger scale. These interactions were not static; they evolved as populations grew and technologies advanced. Environmental pressures often forced societies to innovate, migrate, or reorganize themselves, making ecological factors central to long-term historical processes.
Movement is another essential dimension of world history. The migration of people, along with the circulation of goods and ideas, connected distant regions long before the modern era. The earliest human remains found in eastern Africa suggest that humans began migrating out of this region hundreds of thousands of years ago. Over time, nomadic hunter-gatherers spread across the Middle East, Europe, Asia, and eventually into Australia and the Americas. These movements were gradual and driven by the search for food and favorable living conditions.
Climate change played a decisive role in shaping these patterns. The end of the last Ice Age, beginning around 12,000 BCE, altered environments worldwide. As ice sheets retreated, new areas became habitable, enabling populations to settle in regions that had previously been inaccessible. In contrast, environmental deterioration in other areas, such as the gradual desertification of the Sahara, forced populations to relocate and merge with neighboring groups. These changes occurred slowly but had lasting demographic and cultural consequences.
More stable climates and abundant plant life allowed some groups to adopt sedentary lifestyles. As agriculture developed, villages emerged and populations expanded. A reliable food supply supported social specialization, increasing complexity within communities. Over time, these developments laid the groundwork for what many scholars identify as early civilizations.
Historical change also occurred through both cultural diffusion and independent invention. Ideas and technologies often spread between societies through contact, trade, and conquest. At the same time, similar innovations sometimes emerged independently in different regions. Together, these processes reveal the complexity of human history and the multiple pathways through which societies adapted, survived, and developed.

Which statement is presented as an interpretation rather than a directly verifiable fact?

5. World history can only be fully understood when human societies are examined in relation to their environments and over long stretches of time. Rather than focusing on isolated events, historians seek to understand broad patterns such as migration, climate change, and cultural development. Two fundamental questions shape this approach: what defines a civilization, and how does change usually occur—through the spread of ideas between societies or through independent innovation?
Geography offers a useful framework for addressing these questions. The interaction between humans and their surroundings has always influenced where societies formed, how they survived, and how they interacted with others. Relative location played a crucial role in shaping trade networks and military conflict. Communities situated near rivers, fertile plains, or strategic crossroads were more likely to experience contact with neighboring groups, leading to both cooperation and competition. Over time, such interactions accelerated technological and cultural change.
The concept of place highlights how physical and human characteristics combine to shape societies. Climate, vegetation, and terrain influenced food production and settlement patterns, while social structures, belief systems, and forms of governance distinguished one group from another. No two places developed in exactly the same way, and these differences form the basis for meaningful historical comparison. Understanding how societies adapted to their specific conditions allows historians to explain variation without resorting to simplistic hierarchies. Human interaction with the environment has consistently acted as a driver of historical change.
Early communities altered landscapes through farming, irrigation, and animal domestication, while later societies transformed environments on a much larger scale. These interactions were not static; they evolved as populations grew and technologies advanced. Environmental pressures often forced societies to innovate, migrate, or reorganize themselves, making ecological factors central to long-term historical processes.
Movement is another essential dimension of world history. The migration of people, along with the circulation of goods and ideas, connected distant regions long before the modern era. The earliest human remains found in eastern Africa suggest that humans began migrating out of this region hundreds of thousands of years ago. Over time, nomadic hunter-gatherers spread across the Middle East, Europe, Asia, and eventually into Australia and the Americas. These movements were gradual and driven by the search for food and favorable living conditions.
Climate change played a decisive role in shaping these patterns. The end of the last Ice Age, beginning around 12,000 BCE, altered environments worldwide. As ice sheets retreated, new areas became habitable, enabling populations to settle in regions that had previously been inaccessible. In contrast, environmental deterioration in other areas, such as the gradual desertification of the Sahara, forced populations to relocate and merge with neighboring groups. These changes occurred slowly but had lasting demographic and cultural consequences.
More stable climates and abundant plant life allowed some groups to adopt sedentary lifestyles. As agriculture developed, villages emerged and populations expanded. A reliable food supply supported social specialization, increasing complexity within communities. Over time, these developments laid the groundwork for what many scholars identify as early civilizations.
Historical change also occurred through both cultural diffusion and independent invention. Ideas and technologies often spread between societies through contact, trade, and conquest. At the same time, similar innovations sometimes emerged independently in different regions. Together, these processes reveal the complexity of human history and the multiple pathways through which societies adapted, survived, and developed.

Which generalization best fits the examples of climate change given in the passage?

6. World history can only be fully understood when human societies are examined in relation to their environments and over long stretches of time. Rather than focusing on isolated events, historians seek to understand broad patterns such as migration, climate change, and cultural development. Two fundamental questions shape this approach: what defines a civilization, and how does change usually occur—through the spread of ideas between societies or through independent innovation?
Geography offers a useful framework for addressing these questions. The interaction between humans and their surroundings has always influenced where societies formed, how they survived, and how they interacted with others. Relative location played a crucial role in shaping trade networks and military conflict. Communities situated near rivers, fertile plains, or strategic crossroads were more likely to experience contact with neighboring groups, leading to both cooperation and competition. Over time, such interactions accelerated technological and cultural change.
The concept of place highlights how physical and human characteristics combine to shape societies. Climate, vegetation, and terrain influenced food production and settlement patterns, while social structures, belief systems, and forms of governance distinguished one group from another. No two places developed in exactly the same way, and these differences form the basis for meaningful historical comparison. Understanding how societies adapted to their specific conditions allows historians to explain variation without resorting to simplistic hierarchies. Human interaction with the environment has consistently acted as a driver of historical change.
Early communities altered landscapes through farming, irrigation, and animal domestication, while later societies transformed environments on a much larger scale. These interactions were not static; they evolved as populations grew and technologies advanced. Environmental pressures often forced societies to innovate, migrate, or reorganize themselves, making ecological factors central to long-term historical processes.
Movement is another essential dimension of world history. The migration of people, along with the circulation of goods and ideas, connected distant regions long before the modern era. The earliest human remains found in eastern Africa suggest that humans began migrating out of this region hundreds of thousands of years ago. Over time, nomadic hunter-gatherers spread across the Middle East, Europe, Asia, and eventually into Australia and the Americas. These movements were gradual and driven by the search for food and favorable living conditions.
Climate change played a decisive role in shaping these patterns. The end of the last Ice Age, beginning around 12,000 BCE, altered environments worldwide. As ice sheets retreated, new areas became habitable, enabling populations to settle in regions that had previously been inaccessible. In contrast, environmental deterioration in other areas, such as the gradual desertification of the Sahara, forced populations to relocate and merge with neighboring groups. These changes occurred slowly but had lasting demographic and cultural consequences.
More stable climates and abundant plant life allowed some groups to adopt sedentary lifestyles. As agriculture developed, villages emerged and populations expanded. A reliable food supply supported social specialization, increasing complexity within communities. Over time, these developments laid the groundwork for what many scholars identify as early civilizations.
Historical change also occurred through both cultural diffusion and independent invention. Ideas and technologies often spread between societies through contact, trade, and conquest. At the same time, similar innovations sometimes emerged independently in different regions. Together, these processes reveal the complexity of human history and the multiple pathways through which societies adapted, survived, and developed.

In the sentence “these changes occurred slowly but had lasting demographic and cultural consequences,” what does “demographic” most nearly mean?

7. POISON-PEN CAMPAIGN ROCKS SEASIDE TOWN; WRONGFUL JAILINGS OVERTURNED

Littlehampton, Sussex — For three years in the early 1920s, a quiet south-coast resort of roughly 11,000 people found itself gripped by a mystery that spread through kitchens, shops and courtrooms alike: a steady stream of anonymous letters filled with obscenities and scurrilous accusations, delivered by post and by hand, and often signed to look as if they came from an unsuspecting neighbour.
The targets ranged from laundry customers to local traders—the butcher, fishmonger, grocer and dairy among them—but the storm centred on two women living steps apart on Western Road. Rose Gooding, a married mother in her thirties at No. 45, was widely thought to be the author. Edith Swan, a thirty-year-old laundress at No. 47, presented herself as the principal victim and pressed the case with relentless determination.
The trouble began after Easter Sunday, 4 April 1920, when Swan wrote to the National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children accusing Gooding of mistreating a child. An inspector found the allegation suspiciously detailed, visited the home, and concluded the children were well cared for and the house ―spotlessly clean. Soon afterwards, foul letters began arriving across Littlehampton—many framed as if Gooding herself had written them, or signed with her initials. One message even reached Swan‘s fiancé serving overseas, prompting him to break off their engagement.
Gooding was no stranger to neighbourhood gossip. Friends and officials described her as hot-tempered and prone to swearing, and there were reports of fierce arguments at home. Those details, later critics argued, made it easier for authorities to believe she was capable of writing such material. Yet in court the case against her leaned heavily on shaky eyewitness claims and circumstance, not forensic proof.
In December 1920, after Swan brought a private prosecution for libel, Gooding was convicted at the Lewes assizes and sentenced to two weeks in Portsmouth gaol. When the letters resumed shortly after her release, Swan launched a second prosecution. In February 1921 Gooding was convicted again and jailed for twelve months with hard labour—despite jurors asking for a handwriting sample during deliberations and being told it was too late.
Then came the first crack in the official story. While Gooding was imprisoned, two notebooks surfaced in Littlehampton containing the same kind of obscene language—and, crucially, the same handwriting. The case caught the attention of Sir Archibald Bodkin, the Director of Public Prosecutions, who suspected a miscarriage of justice. Scotland Yard‘s Inspector George Nicholls was sent to investigate. He interviewed dozens of witnesses, obtained handwriting samples, and concluded Gooding‘s writing and spelling did not match the poison-pen letters. In July 1921 the Court of Criminal Appeal quashed both convictions without hearing the evidence, and Gooding
received £250 compensation.
Even then the campaign did not die. New libellous notes appeared, now aimed at a police family living nearby. Policewoman Gladys Moss reported seeing Swan drop a letter in a shared courtyard in September 1921. Swan was charged, but the case collapsed at trial after the judge‘s intervention signalled scepticism about conviction.
By 1923, with letters starting up again, detectives from the General Post Office joined the hunt. They used marked stamps and watched a favoured posting point. In late June, Swan was observed posting letters; one contained indecent words. She was charged under the Post Office Act, convicted at Lewes, and sentenced to a year in prison.

Which detail is explicitly stated in the passage?

8. POISON-PEN CAMPAIGN ROCKS SEASIDE TOWN; WRONGFUL JAILINGS OVERTURNED

Littlehampton, Sussex — For three years in the early 1920s, a quiet south-coast resort of roughly 11,000 people found itself gripped by a mystery that spread through kitchens, shops and courtrooms alike: a steady stream of anonymous letters filled with obscenities and scurrilous accusations, delivered by post and by hand, and often signed to look as if they came from an unsuspecting neighbour.
The targets ranged from laundry customers to local traders—the butcher, fishmonger, grocer and dairy among them—but the storm centred on two women living steps apart on Western Road. Rose Gooding, a married mother in her thirties at No. 45, was widely thought to be the author. Edith Swan, a thirty-year-old laundress at No. 47, presented herself as the principal victim and pressed the case with relentless determination.
The trouble began after Easter Sunday, 4 April 1920, when Swan wrote to the National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children accusing Gooding of mistreating a child. An inspector found the allegation suspiciously detailed, visited the home, and concluded the children were well cared for and the house ―spotlessly clean. Soon afterwards, foul letters began arriving across Littlehampton—many framed as if Gooding herself had written them, or signed with her initials. One message even reached Swan‘s fiancé serving overseas, prompting him to break off their engagement.
Gooding was no stranger to neighbourhood gossip. Friends and officials described her as hot-tempered and prone to swearing, and there were reports of fierce arguments at home. Those details, later critics argued, made it easier for authorities to believe she was capable of writing such material. Yet in court the case against her leaned heavily on shaky eyewitness claims and circumstance, not forensic proof.
In December 1920, after Swan brought a private prosecution for libel, Gooding was convicted at the Lewes assizes and sentenced to two weeks in Portsmouth gaol. When the letters resumed shortly after her release, Swan launched a second prosecution. In February 1921 Gooding was convicted again and jailed for twelve months with hard labour—despite jurors asking for a handwriting sample during deliberations and being told it was too late.
Then came the first crack in the official story. While Gooding was imprisoned, two notebooks surfaced in Littlehampton containing the same kind of obscene language—and, crucially, the same handwriting. The case caught the attention of Sir Archibald Bodkin, the Director of Public Prosecutions, who suspected a miscarriage of justice. Scotland Yard‘s Inspector George Nicholls was sent to investigate. He interviewed dozens of witnesses, obtained handwriting samples, and concluded Gooding‘s writing and spelling did not match the poison-pen letters. In July 1921 the Court of Criminal Appeal quashed both convictions without hearing the evidence, and Gooding
received £250 compensation.
Even then the campaign did not die. New libellous notes appeared, now aimed at a police family living nearby. Policewoman Gladys Moss reported seeing Swan drop a letter in a shared courtyard in September 1921. Swan was charged, but the case collapsed at trial after the judge‘s intervention signalled scepticism about conviction.
By 1923, with letters starting up again, detectives from the General Post Office joined the hunt. They used marked stamps and watched a favoured posting point. In late June, Swan was observed posting letters; one contained indecent words. She was charged under the Post Office Act, convicted at Lewes, and sentenced to a year in prison.

What is the most reasonable inference about why Gooding was initially believed to be the letter-writer?

9. POISON-PEN CAMPAIGN ROCKS SEASIDE TOWN; WRONGFUL JAILINGS OVERTURNED

Littlehampton, Sussex — For three years in the early 1920s, a quiet south-coast resort of roughly 11,000 people found itself gripped by a mystery that spread through kitchens, shops and courtrooms alike: a steady stream of anonymous letters filled with obscenities and scurrilous accusations, delivered by post and by hand, and often signed to look as if they came from an unsuspecting neighbour.
The targets ranged from laundry customers to local traders—the butcher, fishmonger, grocer and dairy among them—but the storm centred on two women living steps apart on Western Road. Rose Gooding, a married mother in her thirties at No. 45, was widely thought to be the author. Edith Swan, a thirty-year-old laundress at No. 47, presented herself as the principal victim and pressed the case with relentless determination.
The trouble began after Easter Sunday, 4 April 1920, when Swan wrote to the National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children accusing Gooding of mistreating a child. An inspector found the allegation suspiciously detailed, visited the home, and concluded the children were well cared for and the house ―spotlessly clean. Soon afterwards, foul letters began arriving across Littlehampton—many framed as if Gooding herself had written them, or signed with her initials. One message even reached Swan‘s fiancé serving overseas, prompting him to break off their engagement.
Gooding was no stranger to neighbourhood gossip. Friends and officials described her as hot-tempered and prone to swearing, and there were reports of fierce arguments at home. Those details, later critics argued, made it easier for authorities to believe she was capable of writing such material. Yet in court the case against her leaned heavily on shaky eyewitness claims and circumstance, not forensic proof.
In December 1920, after Swan brought a private prosecution for libel, Gooding was convicted at the Lewes assizes and sentenced to two weeks in Portsmouth gaol. When the letters resumed shortly after her release, Swan launched a second prosecution. In February 1921 Gooding was convicted again and jailed for twelve months with hard labour—despite jurors asking for a handwriting sample during deliberations and being told it was too late.
Then came the first crack in the official story. While Gooding was imprisoned, two notebooks surfaced in Littlehampton containing the same kind of obscene language—and, crucially, the same handwriting. The case caught the attention of Sir Archibald Bodkin, the Director of Public Prosecutions, who suspected a miscarriage of justice. Scotland Yard‘s Inspector George Nicholls was sent to investigate. He interviewed dozens of witnesses, obtained handwriting samples, and concluded Gooding‘s writing and spelling did not match the poison-pen letters. In July 1921 the Court of Criminal Appeal quashed both convictions without hearing the evidence, and Gooding
received £250 compensation.
Even then the campaign did not die. New libellous notes appeared, now aimed at a police family living nearby. Policewoman Gladys Moss reported seeing Swan drop a letter in a shared courtyard in September 1921. Swan was charged, but the case collapsed at trial after the judge‘s intervention signalled scepticism about conviction.
By 1923, with letters starting up again, detectives from the General Post Office joined the hunt. They used marked stamps and watched a favoured posting point. In late June, Swan was observed posting letters; one contained indecent words. She was charged under the Post Office Act, convicted at Lewes, and sentenced to a year in prison.

Which option presents the events in the correct chronological order?

10. POISON-PEN CAMPAIGN ROCKS SEASIDE TOWN; WRONGFUL JAILINGS OVERTURNED

Littlehampton, Sussex — For three years in the early 1920s, a quiet south-coast resort of roughly 11,000 people found itself gripped by a mystery that spread through kitchens, shops and courtrooms alike: a steady stream of anonymous letters filled with obscenities and scurrilous accusations, delivered by post and by hand, and often signed to look as if they came from an unsuspecting neighbour.
The targets ranged from laundry customers to local traders—the butcher, fishmonger, grocer and dairy among them—but the storm centred on two women living steps apart on Western Road. Rose Gooding, a married mother in her thirties at No. 45, was widely thought to be the author. Edith Swan, a thirty-year-old laundress at No. 47, presented herself as the principal victim and pressed the case with relentless determination.
The trouble began after Easter Sunday, 4 April 1920, when Swan wrote to the National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children accusing Gooding of mistreating a child. An inspector found the allegation suspiciously detailed, visited the home, and concluded the children were well cared for and the house ―spotlessly clean. Soon afterwards, foul letters began arriving across Littlehampton—many framed as if Gooding herself had written them, or signed with her initials. One message even reached Swan‘s fiancé serving overseas, prompting him to break off their engagement.
Gooding was no stranger to neighbourhood gossip. Friends and officials described her as hot-tempered and prone to swearing, and there were reports of fierce arguments at home. Those details, later critics argued, made it easier for authorities to believe she was capable of writing such material. Yet in court the case against her leaned heavily on shaky eyewitness claims and circumstance, not forensic proof.
In December 1920, after Swan brought a private prosecution for libel, Gooding was convicted at the Lewes assizes and sentenced to two weeks in Portsmouth gaol. When the letters resumed shortly after her release, Swan launched a second prosecution. In February 1921 Gooding was convicted again and jailed for twelve months with hard labour—despite jurors asking for a handwriting sample during deliberations and being told it was too late.
Then came the first crack in the official story. While Gooding was imprisoned, two notebooks surfaced in Littlehampton containing the same kind of obscene language—and, crucially, the same handwriting. The case caught the attention of Sir Archibald Bodkin, the Director of Public Prosecutions, who suspected a miscarriage of justice. Scotland Yard‘s Inspector George Nicholls was sent to investigate. He interviewed dozens of witnesses, obtained handwriting samples, and concluded Gooding‘s writing and spelling did not match the poison-pen letters. In July 1921 the Court of Criminal Appeal quashed both convictions without hearing the evidence, and Gooding
received £250 compensation.
Even then the campaign did not die. New libellous notes appeared, now aimed at a police family living nearby. Policewoman Gladys Moss reported seeing Swan drop a letter in a shared courtyard in September 1921. Swan was charged, but the case collapsed at trial after the judge‘s intervention signalled scepticism about conviction.
By 1923, with letters starting up again, detectives from the General Post Office joined the hunt. They used marked stamps and watched a favoured posting point. In late June, Swan was observed posting letters; one contained indecent words. She was charged under the Post Office Act, convicted at Lewes, and sentenced to a year in prison.

Which pairing correctly matches a participant with the role described in the passage?

11. POISON-PEN CAMPAIGN ROCKS SEASIDE TOWN; WRONGFUL JAILINGS OVERTURNED

Littlehampton, Sussex — For three years in the early 1920s, a quiet south-coast resort of roughly 11,000 people found itself gripped by a mystery that spread through kitchens, shops and courtrooms alike: a steady stream of anonymous letters filled with obscenities and scurrilous accusations, delivered by post and by hand, and often signed to look as if they came from an unsuspecting neighbour.
The targets ranged from laundry customers to local traders—the butcher, fishmonger, grocer and dairy among them—but the storm centred on two women living steps apart on Western Road. Rose Gooding, a married mother in her thirties at No. 45, was widely thought to be the author. Edith Swan, a thirty-year-old laundress at No. 47, presented herself as the principal victim and pressed the case with relentless determination.
The trouble began after Easter Sunday, 4 April 1920, when Swan wrote to the National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children accusing Gooding of mistreating a child. An inspector found the allegation suspiciously detailed, visited the home, and concluded the children were well cared for and the house ―spotlessly clean. Soon afterwards, foul letters began arriving across Littlehampton—many framed as if Gooding herself had written them, or signed with her initials. One message even reached Swan‘s fiancé serving overseas, prompting him to break off their engagement.
Gooding was no stranger to neighbourhood gossip. Friends and officials described her as hot-tempered and prone to swearing, and there were reports of fierce arguments at home. Those details, later critics argued, made it easier for authorities to believe she was capable of writing such material. Yet in court the case against her leaned heavily on shaky eyewitness claims and circumstance, not forensic proof.
In December 1920, after Swan brought a private prosecution for libel, Gooding was convicted at the Lewes assizes and sentenced to two weeks in Portsmouth gaol. When the letters resumed shortly after her release, Swan launched a second prosecution. In February 1921 Gooding was convicted again and jailed for twelve months with hard labour—despite jurors asking for a handwriting sample during deliberations and being told it was too late.
Then came the first crack in the official story. While Gooding was imprisoned, two notebooks surfaced in Littlehampton containing the same kind of obscene language—and, crucially, the same handwriting. The case caught the attention of Sir Archibald Bodkin, the Director of Public Prosecutions, who suspected a miscarriage of justice. Scotland Yard‘s Inspector George Nicholls was sent to investigate. He interviewed dozens of witnesses, obtained handwriting samples, and concluded Gooding‘s writing and spelling did not match the poison-pen letters. In July 1921 the Court of Criminal Appeal quashed both convictions without hearing the evidence, and Gooding
received £250 compensation.
Even then the campaign did not die. New libellous notes appeared, now aimed at a police family living nearby. Policewoman Gladys Moss reported seeing Swan drop a letter in a shared courtyard in September 1921. Swan was charged, but the case collapsed at trial after the judge‘s intervention signalled scepticism about conviction.
By 1923, with letters starting up again, detectives from the General Post Office joined the hunt. They used marked stamps and watched a favoured posting point. In late June, Swan was observed posting letters; one contained indecent words. She was charged under the Post Office Act, convicted at Lewes, and sentenced to a year in prison.

Which meaning of “quashed” best fits the sentence “In July 1921 the Court of Criminal Appeal quashed both convictions…”?

12. We all know someone who shouldn‘t be driving anymore. The trouble is, we also know someone who‘s 82, sharp as a tack, and safer on the road than half the people weaving through traffic with a phone in their hand. That‘s why the question isn‘t ―Should older people be allowed to drive? It‘s ―How do we make sure everyone who drives still can?
A simple rule would help: after 75, drivers should take a road test every two years.
Not because age is a moral failing. Not because wrinkles are dangerous. But because driving is a high-stakes skill that depends on vision, reaction time, attention, and judgment—abilities that can change gradually, then suddenly. [A] It‘s a safety inspection, like the ones we already accept for cars, pilots, and even some workplaces.
Right now, we pretend the system is neutral. In practice, it‘s the opposite. Many jurisdictions rely on self-reporting, family pressure, or the aftermath of a crash. [B] It forces adult children into the role of villain. It leaves seniors guessing when the line has been crossed. And it puts strangers at risk for the sake of avoiding an awkward conversation.
A regular test makes the conversation easier because it makes it less personal. It‘s not your daughter saying you‘re unsafe. It‘s not a neighbor whispering. [C]
There will be objections. [D] Testing costs money. Some people will feel targeted. All true. So build the policy like adults: subsidize the test, offer home-to-test transportation, and expand alternatives like shuttle services and discounted ride programs. Make it about mobility, not just restriction.
The real cruelty isn‘t asking for a test. It‘s letting someone keep driving until tragedy makes the decision for them.
Independence matters. So does everybody else‘s life on the road. A biennial road test after 75 is a modest ask—and a responsible one.

Which sentence best fits in position [A]?

13. We all know someone who shouldn‘t be driving anymore. The trouble is, we also know someone who‘s 82, sharp as a tack, and safer on the road than half the people weaving through traffic with a phone in their hand. That‘s why the question isn‘t ―Should older people be allowed to drive? It‘s ―How do we make sure everyone who drives still can?
A simple rule would help: after 75, drivers should take a road test every two years.
Not because age is a moral failing. Not because wrinkles are dangerous. But because driving is a high-stakes skill that depends on vision, reaction time, attention, and judgment—abilities that can change gradually, then suddenly. [A] It‘s a safety inspection, like the ones we already accept for cars, pilots, and even some workplaces.
Right now, we pretend the system is neutral. In practice, it‘s the opposite. Many jurisdictions rely on self-reporting, family pressure, or the aftermath of a crash. [B] It forces adult children into the role of villain. It leaves seniors guessing when the line has been crossed. And it puts strangers at risk for the sake of avoiding an awkward conversation.
A regular test makes the conversation easier because it makes it less personal. It‘s not your daughter saying you‘re unsafe. It‘s not a neighbor whispering. [C]
There will be objections. [D] Testing costs money. Some people will feel targeted. All true. So build the policy like adults: subsidize the test, offer home-to-test transportation, and expand alternatives like shuttle services and discounted ride programs. Make it about mobility, not just restriction.
The real cruelty isn‘t asking for a test. It‘s letting someone keep driving until tragedy makes the decision for them.
Independence matters. So does everybody else‘s life on the road. A biennial road test after 75 is a modest ask—and a responsible one.

Which sentence best fits in position [B]?

14. We all know someone who shouldn‘t be driving anymore. The trouble is, we also know someone who‘s 82, sharp as a tack, and safer on the road than half the people weaving through traffic with a phone in their hand. That‘s why the question isn‘t ―Should older people be allowed to drive? It‘s ―How do we make sure everyone who drives still can?
A simple rule would help: after 75, drivers should take a road test every two years.
Not because age is a moral failing. Not because wrinkles are dangerous. But because driving is a high-stakes skill that depends on vision, reaction time, attention, and judgment—abilities that can change gradually, then suddenly. [A] It‘s a safety inspection, like the ones we already accept for cars, pilots, and even some workplaces.
Right now, we pretend the system is neutral. In practice, it‘s the opposite. Many jurisdictions rely on self-reporting, family pressure, or the aftermath of a crash. [B] It forces adult children into the role of villain. It leaves seniors guessing when the line has been crossed. And it puts strangers at risk for the sake of avoiding an awkward conversation.
A regular test makes the conversation easier because it makes it less personal. It‘s not your daughter saying you‘re unsafe. It‘s not a neighbor whispering. [C]
There will be objections. [D] Testing costs money. Some people will feel targeted. All true. So build the policy like adults: subsidize the test, offer home-to-test transportation, and expand alternatives like shuttle services and discounted ride programs. Make it about mobility, not just restriction.
The real cruelty isn‘t asking for a test. It‘s letting someone keep driving until tragedy makes the decision for them.
Independence matters. So does everybody else‘s life on the road. A biennial road test after 75 is a modest ask—and a responsible one.

Which sentence best fits in position [C]?

15. We all know someone who shouldn‘t be driving anymore. The trouble is, we also know someone who‘s 82, sharp as a tack, and safer on the road than half the people weaving through traffic with a phone in their hand. That‘s why the question isn‘t ―Should older people be allowed to drive? It‘s ―How do we make sure everyone who drives still can?
A simple rule would help: after 75, drivers should take a road test every two years.
Not because age is a moral failing. Not because wrinkles are dangerous. But because driving is a high-stakes skill that depends on vision, reaction time, attention, and judgment—abilities that can change gradually, then suddenly. [A] It‘s a safety inspection, like the ones we already accept for cars, pilots, and even some workplaces.
Right now, we pretend the system is neutral. In practice, it‘s the opposite. Many jurisdictions rely on self-reporting, family pressure, or the aftermath of a crash. [B] It forces adult children into the role of villain. It leaves seniors guessing when the line has been crossed. And it puts strangers at risk for the sake of avoiding an awkward conversation.
A regular test makes the conversation easier because it makes it less personal. It‘s not your daughter saying you‘re unsafe. It‘s not a neighbor whispering. [C]
There will be objections. [D] Testing costs money. Some people will feel targeted. All true. So build the policy like adults: subsidize the test, offer home-to-test transportation, and expand alternatives like shuttle services and discounted ride programs. Make it about mobility, not just restriction.
The real cruelty isn‘t asking for a test. It‘s letting someone keep driving until tragedy makes the decision for them.
Independence matters. So does everybody else‘s life on the road. A biennial road test after 75 is a modest ask—and a responsible one.

Which sentence best fits in position [D]?

16. Choose the best pair of words to complete the sentence naturally.
―Amazing! ____ a miracle _____ she wasn‘t hurt!

17. In the sentence, “My brother is coming to visit next week,” the underlined word is a:

18. Find the sentence which contains a grammatical error.

19. Choose the best rewrite of the following sentence.
―If you don‘t submit the form by Friday, we won‘t process your application.

20. Which sentence uses an unnatural-sounding adverb+adjective combination?

21. Choose the best explanation for why B‟s response could be considered an error.
A: ―Could I borrow the car tonight?
B: ―I‘m sorry, no, you couldn‘t.

22. Choose the word that best completes the sentence.
―After an internal audit revealed that company funds had been systematically diverted into a
private account, the finance director was charged with ______.

23. Select the sentence that reflects standard usage in contemporary English.

24. Choose the best definition of „off-colour‟.

25. Choose the word closest in meaning to „dissent‟.

26. Choose the sentence that uses the standard spelling.

27. Choose the word that completes the sentence in the most natural and idiomatic way.
―As he left the meeting, he muttered something under his ______.

28. Choose the sentence in which the underlined word is the most appropriate collocate to
„the proposal‟.

29. Read the sentence and identify its register.
―Your request cannot be accommodated at this time.

30. Read the sentence and identify the variety of English it most closely reflects.
―I‘ll ring you later — I‘m stuck in traffic at the moment.

31. Choose the best answer.
He was fired last week, but I think he ______ in any case.

32. Which interpretation best captures what Bella is primarily doing with her reply?
Adam asks: ―Do you think Calum will want some of this cake?‖
Bella replies: ―He‘s vegan.

33. A student arrives late to a lecture and says to the lecturer: “You started early.”
How should this utterance be evaluated in context?

34. How would the following information most likely be communicated as a newspaper
headline?
―The President has arrived in Egypt for an international summit.

35. Choose the option in which „I‟m sorry‟ is used least appropriately.

36. A teacher wants to introduce a new grammatical structure using a Presentation–Practice–Production approach. Which sequence best matches that approach?

37. A teacher plans a listening lesson with prediction from visuals, a first listen for gist, a second listen for specific details, and a short follow-up discussion. What lesson “shape” is this?

38. Which option is most clearly a personal aim in a lesson plan?

39. When writing up a lesson plan, which approach best matches the guidance on the level of detail to include?

40. During pairwork, the room becomes noisy and another teacher complains. Which response best reflects good classroom-management judgment about noise?

41. A teacher plans this sequence: learners read a short news story, underline useful word partnerships (e.g., verb + noun, adjective + noun), record them in their notebooks, then complete a short task that forces them to reuse those chunks. Which approach is being applied?

42. Which statement best reflects the classroom practices of Communicative approaches?

43. You want to run a lesson that best fits a Structural Approach. Learners are low-level and you are teaching comparatives. Which activity is the best match?

44. Which definition best matches „guided discovery‟?

45. In a simple Task-Based Learning sequence, when is it most appropriate to push accuracy and focus explicitly on form?

46. Moslikni toping.
1. Tabiiy faoliyatni tashkil etish
2. Xavfsiz rivojlantiruvchi ta’lim muhitini yaratish va ta’minlash

A) O‘quvchilarning qiziqishlarini uyg‘otib, ular bilan ishlash; mustaqil ishning mazmuni, vazifalari va shakllarini tanlash
B) Bolalar jamoasida ishbilarmonlik, do‘stona muhitni qo‘llab-quvvatlash
C) Favqulodda yoki xavfli vaziyatlarda malakali harakat qilish, kerak bo‘lganda, birinchi yordam ko‘rsatish |

47. Tajribali pedagog har bir nazorat ishidan so‘ng o‘quvchilar bilan xatolar ustida ish olib boradi. Ularga yo‘l qo‘yilgan xato va kamchiliklarni qanday tuzatish mumkinligi haqida tushuntiradi. Ota-onalar majlisida esa har bir o‘quvchining kuchli va zaif tomonlari haqida ma’lumot berib boradi. Bu vaziyatda malakali ustoz o‘zlashtirishni baholash va qayta aloqani taqdim etish mehnat harakatlarining qaysi zarur ko‘nikmasini namoyon etgan bo‘ladi?

48. Moslikni toping.
1. O‘z-o‘zini rivojlantirish va kasbiy o‘sish
2. Hamkasblar va ta’lim oluvchilarning ota-onalari bilan hamkorlik

A) Kasbiy muammolarni hal qilish uchun boshqa o‘qituvchilar va o‘quvchilarning ota-onalari bilan faoliyat yuritish

B) Dars jarayoniga zamonaviy axborot texnologiyalar integratsiyasini rejalashtirish

C) Maqsadli ishni takomillashtirish va tajriba almashishdan iborat bo‘lgan maktabning “uslubiy kengashlari”da qatnashish

49. Moslikni toping

1. Uslubiy tahlil

2. Didaktik tahlil

A) Mavzuning ilmiyligi va izchilligi, oddiydan murakkabga tomon yo‘nalishi, ko‘rgazmaliligi va berilayotgan bilim, yangi axborotlarning hayotiyligi, ularning jonli va ravon tilda ochib berilishi kuzatiladi

B) O‘rganilayotgan mavzuga dasturda mo‘ljallangan soatda, uni qanday usullar yordamida, o‘quvchilarning yoshi va shaxsiy-psixologik xususiyatlarini hisobga olgan holda yetkazib bera olishi, o‘quvchilarni o‘ylashga, izlanishga majbur etishi va unga sharoit yaratishi kuzatiladi

C) O‘qituvchining tashqi qiyofasi, o‘quvchilar bilan til topa olish mahorati, madaniyati, odobi bilan birgalikda dars jarayonida umuminsoniy tarbiyaning tarkibiy qismlarini o‘quvchilarga bera olishi va uning nutq madaniyati kuzatiladi

50. O‘qituvchi yangi bilimlarni berib borish bilan birgalikda bir necha maxsus darslarda o‘quvchilarning egallagan bilimlarini mustahkamlash hamda bu bilimlarni turli hayotiy vaziyatlarda qo‘llay olishlarini nazorat qilib bordi. Bunda o‘qituvchi darsning qaysi turidan foydalandi?